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Iran’s Raisi Endorses Saudi-Pakistan-Turkey Defense Pact While Distancing Tehran From Houthi Actions

As a new regional military alliance takes shape without Iran, the president reframes the agreement as promoting Muslim unity – even as he distances the regime from its closest proxy’s attacks on Saudi Arabia.

Iran’s President Ebrahim Raisi has offered qualified support for the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement – a three-nation military pact between Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan that was formally ratified in August 2026 amid the broader 2026 Iran war – framing it as a positive step toward Islamic solidarity rather than a strategic encirclement [1].

In remarks on September 27, Raisi characterized the accord as promoting Muslim unity and preventing conflicts between Islamic nations, according to reporting from regional sources [2]. When asked whether the agreement targeted Iran, he suggested it could instead facilitate dialogue and strengthen the Islamic world against external pressure, specifically citing U.S. and Israeli efforts to “control resources” by pitting regional states against one another [2].

The timing of Raisi’s comments carries strategic weight. Iran received an invitation to join the pact in August, according to statements by Mehdi Rahimi, head of Iran’s Parliament’s official news agency, who told Lebanese media that Tehran was reviewing the proposal [1]. That Iran has not formally acceded – while Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan moved forward with ratification – underscores the regime’s ambiguous position as regional alignments shift.

Raisi’s endorsement masks a deeper challenge to Iranian regional influence. The agreement emerged during active conflict with Israel and represents the first formal military alliance binding Saudi Arabia and Pakistan since their own bilateral defense pact in September 2025. Turkey’s inclusion adds NATO’s southeastern anchor to the arrangement, creating a security architecture that excludes Iran while encompassing two of its most significant regional rivals and a nuclear-armed South Asian power.

Moreover, Raisi’s remarks on the Houthis reveal the regime’s acute sensitivity to the perception that it controls proxy forces. When pressed on Houthi attacks against Saudi Arabia – which have intensified under the Mecca framework – Raisi insisted the militant group’s actions “are not connected to Iran” and called for dialogue rather than military response [2]. The statement contradicts years of U.S. intelligence assessments and regional reporting documenting Iranian material and operational support for the Houthi movement, yet it signals Tehran’s desire to avoid being held responsible for proxy escalation at a moment when it is diplomatically isolated.

The rhetorical pivot – framing an alliance that excludes Iran as beneficial for Islamic unity – reflects the regime’s constrained options. Direct opposition would confirm Western narratives of Iran as a destabilizing force. Endorsement allows Raisi to claim diplomatic sophistication while signaling openness to future participation. The invitation to join remains outstanding, and Iranian analysts have noted that membership could theoretically give Tehran a seat at regional security discussions [1].

What this tells us about the regime’s stability calculus: Raisi is attempting to manage contradictory pressures – maintaining ideological claims to regional Islamic leadership while acknowledging that Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan have moved ahead without Iranian consent. The regime cannot prevent the Mecca pact’s formation, but it can attempt to redefine its meaning. Whether that rhetorical maneuver translates into actual Iranian accession depends on whether the regime believes participation would strengthen its hand or validate its exclusion from a security order it no longer controls.

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